Nor-nork saileko "egin"-en hedadura geografikoa gipuzkoan: Ondorio batzuk testu zaharren azterketatik

Abstract

Saio honetan, Gipuzkoako testuetan ageri diren nor-nork saileko *ezan eta, batik bat, egin-dun adizkiei erreparatzen diet. XVI.- XVIII. mendeetako testuetako (eta bestelako monografietako) datuak sakon aztertuta, honako hau da ondorioztatu dudana: alde batetik, ez dirudi nor-nork irrealisetako egin Beterrin eta Gipuzkoa (ipar)ekialdean erabili denik. Beste aldetik, badirudi mendebaleko euskararekin harreman estuena izan duten Urola eta Goierri eskualdeetan ez zela eskualde osora hedatzen egin XVII.-XVIII. mendeetan, eta geroago iritsi dela alderdi horietako zenbait herritara: demagun, XIX. edo XX. mendeetan. Bestalde, baliteke Goierritik iritsi izana Tolosalde hego-erdialdera. Hori horrela izanik, mendebaleko berrikuntzaren espazio eta hedaduraren inguruan planteatu ez diren galdera batzuk eskaintzen ditut, aukera horietan pentsatzea ere interesgarri delakoan.; In this article, I examine bipersonal verbal forms with the auxiliares *ezan and, es-pecially, egin in Gipuzkoan texts. Drawing on a thorough analysis of 16th-18th century texts -and other monographs-, the main conclusions are: first, the western innovation egin of bipersonal irrea-lis verbal forms does not appear to have been used in Beterri and the north-eastern part of Gipuzkoa. Conversely, in the Urola and Goierri regions, which have been most closely connected with Western Basque, it appears that egin may have reached some towns here later than the 17th and 18th centuries: perhaps in the 19th or 20th centuries. Moreover, this innovation may have extended from Goierri to the south-central part of Tolosaldea. This being the case, I introduce some questions that have not been previously raised and that I believe are interesting to address: these questions are related to the breadth and diffusion of the western innovation in question.