dc.contributor.author | Gautier, Valèrie | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2020-12-28T09:46:27Z | |
dc.date.available | 2020-12-28T09:46:27Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2007 | |
dc.identifier.citation | Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo 41(2) : 95-106 (2007) | |
dc.identifier.issn | 0582-6152 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/10810/49400 | |
dc.description.abstract | The goal of this paper is to show that strong islands can be derived from the way derivation is linearized, as long as we assume that the derivation proceeds in a topdown fashion.To begin with, I will present one advantage of adopting a top-down approach regarding linearization issue: the Linear Correspondence Axiom (henceforth, LCA, Kayne 1994) can be reformulated in a more derivational and minimalist way. In particular, Kayne assumes that the notion that derives precedence is the asymmetric c-command. Because of the asymmetric c-command, the LCA rules out the head-complement configuration in bare phrase structures. I show that with a top-down derivation, the problematic asymmetric c-command relation can be eliminated. With our Top-down LCA, precedence relations are derived from the way phrase structures have been built: roughly, if Y enters the derivation right after X, then X precedes Y. In a second part, I will argue that this non-standard approach to derivation1 and linearization can capture CED effects: it will be demonstrated that subjects and adjuncts are islands because they have to be built in a parallel derivation. | |
dc.language.iso | eng | |
dc.publisher | Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatearen Argitalpen Zerbitzua | |
dc.rights | info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess | |
dc.title | How strong islands are derived from the way a top-down derivation is linearized | |
dc.type | info:eu-repo/semantics/article | |
dc.rights.holder | © 2007, Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco Euskal Herriko Unibertsitateko Argitalpen Zerbitzua | |