Show simple item record

dc.contributor.authorOihartzabal Bidegorri, Beñat
dc.contributor.authorPadilla Moyano, Manuel
dc.date.accessioned2020-12-28T10:52:06Z
dc.date.available2020-12-28T10:52:06Z
dc.date.issued2018
dc.identifier.citationAnuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo 52(1-2) : 619-628 (2018)
dc.identifier.issn0582-6152
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10810/49574
dc.description.abstractThis paper deals with the realisation of the prospective participle, the most common way to express the future in Basque. The authors start from present-day variation, as synthesised by the Royal Academy of the Basque Language: the adjunction of the suffix -ko to the perfective participle, except for the forms ending in -n or -l, which in Eastern dialects take the genitive suffix -en. Based on the study of both old texts from different dialects and works on verbal morphology, the authors show that the variability of the marking of the prospective participle is greater than usually thought: on the one hand, Labourdin texts attest for a late use of the suffix -(r)en with vowel-ending participles (e.g. biziren, ikusiren, harturen); on the other hand, in the 17th century forms such as izaren ‘izanen’ and egoren ‘egonen’ arise in Labourdin and Western Low-Navarrese dialects. The authors consider two possible explanations for the prospective forms of the type izaren: 1) in phonological terms, a dissimilation of nasality (cf. Michelena 1990); and 2) in syntactical terms, a change in the selection of the complement argument by the T-head, lexicalised by the genitive suffix -(r)en. In this view, the forms such as emaren or egoren are the result of adding the suffix -(r)en not to a perfective participle eman ‘given’ or egon ‘rested’ (as in ikusi-ren ‘seen-PROSP’), but to a verbal root -ma- or -go-, respectively.; Artikulu honek partizipio prospektiboaren gauzatzearen formak aztertzen ditu. Egileak egungo aldakortasunetik abiatzen dira, Euskaltzaindiak laburbildu bezala: partizipio perfektiboari -ko atzizkia eranstea, salbu -n edo -l bukaera duenean, ekialdeko mintzoetan -en genitiboaren atzizkia baliatzen baita. Hala hainbat euskalkitako testuetan nola aditzaren morfologiaren gaineko lanetan oinarriturik, egileek hauxe erakusten dute: partizipio prospektiboaren markatzea onartzen ohi den baino aldakorragoa dela: 1) Lapurdin -(r)en atzizkiaren erabilpen berankorra bokalez bukatzen diren partizipioekin (biziren, ikusiren, harturen); eta 2) XVII. mendetik aitzina, izaren 'izanen' and egoren 'egonen' bezalako formen agerpena lapurteraz eta mendebaldeko behe-nafarreraz. Ondoren izaren and egoren moldeko forma prospektiboak ikertuak dira, haien agerpena bilduz: lehenik, azalpen fonologiko bat formulatzen da (cf. Mitxelena 1990); bigarrenik, forma horiek denbora-burutik argumentuaren hautapenaren aldaketaren emaitza gisara analizatuak dira, genitibo atzizkiaz lexikalizatua, aspektu sintagma ala aditz sintagma izan. Ikuspegi honetan, emaren edo egoren bezalako formak ez lirateke eman and egon partizipioei, baizik ere -ma- and -go- aditz erroei -(r)en atzizkia eranstearen emaitza.
dc.language.isoeus
dc.publisherServicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatearen Argitalpen Zerbitzua
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
dc.titleGeroaldiko partizipio prospektiboaren polimorfismoa eta -"n"-dun aditz klasea
dc.typeinfo:eu-repo/semantics/article
dc.rights.holder© 2018, Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco Euskal Herriko Unibertsitateko Argitalpen Zerbitzua
dc.identifier.doi10.1387/asju.20219


Files in this item

Thumbnail

This item appears in the following Collection(s)

Show simple item record